NESA Center Alumni Publication
Ahlam Al-Moflhi                                                   
14 July 2025

 

Context

In 2000, the UNSC adopted Resolution 1325. Its goal is to seek to involve women in crisis prevention, conflict resolution, and the consolidation of peace while protecting them from sexual violence in armed conflicts.

Implementing this resolution in practice remains a challenge in Yemen. Women have fewer opportunities to participate in political processes than men. Meanwhile, women are particularly affected by conflict situations and face numerous instances of discrimination.

Objective: In line with Resolution 1325, European Conclusions on Women, Peace, and Security Strategy (WPS) (EU’s strategic approach 2018), the EU’s Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security 2019-2024,  and so on, enhance women’s long-term political participation and influence in Yemeni peace efforts.

Approach: Promoting the participation of women in peace and political processes to foster long-term peace in Yemen. Working within the EU’s Women, Peace, and Security Strategy (WPS)  and the EU’s Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security 2019-2024 (European Commission and EEAS plus with UN effort).

 

Executive summary

This study examines the role of the EU in Yemen in implementing the Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security inspired by Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which affirmed that gender equality and women’s empowerment are essential to achieving global peace and security. This resolution was followed by other Security Council resolutions on preventing gender-based violence, prosecuting its perpetrators, and protecting women in times of peace and conflict. Since 2000, many regional discussions have been about women, peace, and security. The most important is the European Union, which has adopted many strategies, such as the EU’s Strategic Approach 2018 and the EU’s Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security 2019-2024, and other strategies that are no less important than the others (Table1+4). This study is based on the argument that the EU’s commitment to UNSCR 1325 and its strategies on women will support the participation of Yemeni women in the peace process. The study proposes a new model for implementing the plan in Yemen through three dimensions: Working closely with the UN and pressing for a more inclusive approach with the participation of Yemeni women in high-level meetings), methodologies (Table 1), and work tools (approaches).

 

Introduction

The battlefields of war and peace are not gender neutral. War has traditionally been viewed as a patriarchal affair. Women pay a high price that is frequently overlooked. Peacebuilding efforts are frequently centered on bringing together male actors, resulting in a disproportionate representation of particular groups. This frequently led to the establishment of a culture of violence rather than a culture of peace. Peace processes should represent the larger society it wants to unite (men and women). We will be far from attaining inclusive and sustainable post-conflict societies as long as all stakeholders, particularly women, are excluded from conflict prevention, and building peace. So, how can we empower women in their role in peacebuilding?

UNSCR 1325 (2000) (Security, Peace, and Women), one of the most well-known UNSC Resolutions, was issued as a result of the efforts made by civil society organizations and set out a new global framework to address the challenges of peace and security on one hand and violence against women, women’s empowerment, and gender justice on the other hand. The resolution has four main axes (Table 2) and calls for measures to protect women from violence in times of conflict, reaffirms the importance of women’s role in preventing the outbreak of conflicts, resolving them, and building peace, and stresses the importance of their contribution to men and their full participation in all efforts that aimed at maintaining, strengthening peace and security, identifies the available options to governments and other actors to prevent violence against women, punish perpetrators, and provide reparations to survivors. It is a significant decision for global efforts to attain gender equality in this area. For the first time, the critical organ in charge of international security acknowledged a long-standing disregard for women and girls in global reactions to armed conflict situations. Also, it urged for more female presence and engagement in national decision-making organizations dealing with conflict prevention, management, and resolution. The UN Security Council has approved seven resolutions that expand on these goals and form the foundation of the Agenda on Women, Peace, and Security (Table 3).

Then, The EU actively implemented UNSC Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS Agenda), placing it at the heart of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy. The implementation of the WPS agenda is a critical tool in ensuring that the rights, agency, and protection of women and girls are respected and protected at all times, as well as ensuring that women have meaningful and equal participation in all institutions and processes of conflict prevention, peace-making, peacebuilding, and post-conflict rehabilitation. For example, all EU CSDP Missions include gender and human rights perspectives to promote the implementation of Women, Peace, and Security in their specific initiatives[1].

Gender equality and human rights are core to universal principles and are stand-alone priorities woven into all European Union policy. The Council, on its 10 December 2018 Conclusions on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS), reaffirmed the EU Strategic Approach to WPS and committed to the complete execution of the EU’s Action Plan on Women, Peace, and Security 2019-2024, reaffirmed there is a need to address newly emerging difficulties and challenges. Furthermore, it affirmed that the complete execution of the WPS agenda commitments is as vital as ever in the current geopolitical setting and evolving security environment, as defined by Resolution 1325 (2000) and succeeding resolutions[2].

Furthermore, the EU’s commitment is not merely a political preference but a legal obligation and an ethical, moral, and humanitarian perspective[3]. The EU reaffirmed its commitment to promoting gender equality on the battlefields of war and peace, stating that it aspires to “lead by example” and take a “leading role as a gender equality and catalyst” in the global promotion of WPS aims in the coming years. This exceptional ambition is reflected in the latest EU Action Plan on Gender, Peace and Security (WPS) (2019-24) and the EU Gender Action Plan (GAP) III. The European Parliament’s resolution on Gender Equality in EU Foreign and Security Policy, approved at the end of October 2020, emphasizes the EU’s intention to embrace global leadership. The EU is gaining momentum to revive the WPS Agenda by meeting WPS demands in its activities and demonstrating to others what to do globally[4].

Despite the demands’ apparent simplicity, rationality, and legal foundations, achieving them in practice has proven tedious and challenging. Multiple global crises have turned political leaders’ attention to what they perceive to be more pressing issues. This marginalization has been exacerbated in recent years by the emergence of ideological opposition to these demands. In this global context, the movement for women’s equality, even in crises, is at risk of stagnation if not being pushed back.

To remedy this, additional global actors outside of the UN and powerful governments must embrace ownership and accountability for the complete execution of the WPS Agenda. Regional organizations with operational missions in crisis zones are strong contenders. One of these organizations is the European Union, whose military and civilian involvement in such crises has risen. It now operates 17 crisis management missions. The European Union is notable for its long-standing dedication to gender equality. Its devotion extends beyond internal relations to include exterior relations. In addition, the EU is committed to implementing the WPS agenda in close collaboration with allies and partners, particularly civil society organizations and the larger community of implementers. Several formalized partnerships have already been established in which WPS is one of the goals for cooperation, such as with the UN, NATO, and the ASEAN Regional Forum. An example is the inclusion of gender and human rights perspectives in all EU CSDP Missions to support the implementation of Women, Peace, and Security in their respective interventions.

 

The EU’s commitment to UNSCR 1325 being tested in Yemen:

The European Union’s contribution to supporting the peace process in Yemen is not significant, as it leaves the most prominent role in the efforts of the United Nations. However, the European Union can play a more significant role in Yemen, based on its political weight and its defense of human rights, in addition to the development and humanitarian aid it provides to Yemen in the humanitarian field, especially in times of conflict. It can be used as a tool to pressure men to support women’s participation in peacemaking in Yemen.

The European Union (EU) became a regional organization to explicitly recognize the WPS agenda and place it at the center of the EU’s foreign policies, including crisis management and mediation 2008. This is hardly surprising given the EU’s status as the world’s most successful peace project and a vital worldwide actor in promoting gender equality. Despite this, we know little about how the EU implements the Women, Peace, and Security agenda in peace processes. As a result, Yemen is an intriguing case study for investigating the implementation of the Women, Peace, and Security agenda because, first, the EU has demonstrated an explicit commitment to working on peace and stability in the country. Second, including women in peace processes in conflict-affected countries has been one of the priorities of the EU’s conflict resolution and mediation strategy.

 

Methodologies of the EU:

Table 1: The methodologies of the EU

• The EU proposed a comprehensive approach to running UNSC Resolution 1325. In 2018, the EU adopted its strategic Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) approach. Its goal is to ensure that women from all backgrounds engage and shape all issues connected to peace and security, from conflict prevention to finding resolution, as well as to safeguard against conflict-related violence – including sexual and gender-based violence. The EU places the WPS agenda at the center, considering the entire range of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union as a crucial instrument in guaranteeing women’s and girls’ rights and protection are constantly observed and upheld.
• The European Union adopted its first Action Plan on Women’s Empowerment and Gender Equality in Development (GAPI) (2010-2015). It aimed to strengthen the EU’s leadership part in advancing women’s empowerment and gender equality in development and to secure enough human and financial resources. By 2015, over half of EU ODA was directed toward gender equality and women’s empowerment.
• The Gender Action Plan II (GAP II), titled ‘Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: Transforming the Lives of Women via EU External Relations 2016-2020,’ was adopted in November 2015. It committed the EU to stepping up efforts to make gender equality a tangible reality for women and girls worldwide. Thematic areas of action include ensuring girl’s and women’s physical and psychological well-being, supporting women’s and girls’ social and economic rights/empowerment, and enhancing girls’ and women’s voices and involvement[5].
• The EU Gender Action Plan III (EU gender equality strategy 2020-2025) asks the EU to increase its commitment to SDG 5 (equality of gender) in all spheres of external policy. The Gender Action Plan III is based on making gender equality and empowering women and girls a cross-cutting priority of EU external action. By 2025, 85% of new EU actions should contribute to achieving this goal, with more actions including it as a primary goal, working collaboratively with EU Member States as Team Europe at multilateral, regional, and country levels, and fostering partnerships with stakeholders, CSOs, and women’s organizations to accelerate progress by focusing on critical areas of engagement such as ending gender-based violence, equal participation and leadership for women, peace and security, and leading by example focusing on outcomes, accountability, transparency, and all-inclusive monitoring.
• The actions outlined in the EU Foreign Affairs Council General Conclusions on WPS (2018) and the EU Action Plan on WPS (2019) have been bolstered by the newly agreed EU Action Plan on Gender III for 2021-2025. The plan reaffirms targets agreed upon in the WPS Action Plan, such as achieving a minimum of 33 percent female participation in peace process-related activities. It also stated that by 2025, 85% of its external initiatives would contribute to gender mainstreaming[6].

 

An overview of the peace process in Yemen and the level of women’s participation:

Yemen still suffers from conflict and instability[7]. Women and girls constitute more than three-quarters of the total population. The number of women and girls exceeds that of men and boys[8].

As civilians are the ones who pay the most outstanding price in modern conflicts, women pay the highest price, as they are exposed during conflicts of discrimination, violence, and sexual violence. Therefore, they have an interest in preventing conflicts and maintaining peace[9].

Eight years after the conflict in Yemen, the country continues to bear the brunt of a protracted armed conflict and pervasive instability, fighting to halt a deadly cycle of violence between various factions and armed militias. After several rounds of ‘exclusive’ peace discussions that failed to end the conflict, the chance of a durable peace in Yemen has increased skepticism about how to end the fight.

Since the beginning of the peace talks, Yemeni women have been at the forefront, demanding their inclusion and meaningful engagement in the peace process. They have been marginalized, underrepresented, and excluded from high-level peace talks.

It has been eight years since the outbreak of conflict in Yemen, and the formal peace path remains largely confined between the internationally recognized government, the Houthi authorities, and other warring factions[10], with no signs of a peace settlement in sight. The process aimed at finding a settlement is characterized by excluding other vital actors inside Yemen, most notably women. To date, Yemeni women have had little representation in the most critical peace negotiations for Yemen, a trend that starkly contrasts the UN Women, Peace and Security agenda, specifically Security Council Resolution 1325, which calls on all parties to include women in peacebuilding processes.

The notable absence of Yemeni women in official peace processes has drawn criticism from relevant actors and Yemeni observers alike. Yemeni women were at the forefront of efforts to mitigate the repercussions of the war through their role in establishing peace on the ground, protecting vulnerable groups, and alleviating suffering within their local communities. Local feminist groups and peace activists played a crucial role in defusing conflict tensions by mobilizing their communities, collaborating with community leaders, and negotiating with various warring factions to end the violence[11]. Despite this, their voices remain marginalized in official peacebuilding processes, and calls for inclusion have fallen on deaf ears.

The conflict parties refused women’s participation in 2022, despite the UN Special Envoy’s constant support, which encouraged at least 30% of women in delegations and additional and non-transferable seats for women[12].

During the Fifth Women’s Summit, which was held virtually in December 2022 in the presence of political actors and civil society representatives from across Yemen, the UN Special Envoy for Yemen noted in his opening remarks the steady decline in the number of Yemeni women engaged in peace efforts since 2015 (which It was considered essentially limited)[13]. Women were absent from the 2019 Riyadh Agreement talks, as was the case in the June 2020 talks that led to the ceasefire agreement between the Southern Transitional Council and the internationally recognized government[14]. As for the Stockholm Agreement negotiations sponsored by the United Nations in Sweden in 2018, women constituted only 4 percent of the participating delegation, knowing they attended as negotiators rather than mediators. The peace talks in Kuwait in 2016 were characterized by the highest percentage of women’s representation, as women made up 12 percent of the negotiators. However, not all of them represented the Houthi side[15]. The repercussions of women’s limited participation in formal peace negotiations are more than can be imagined. In general, the warring parties and the international community alike have ignored women’s needs and contributions, and this has been reinforced by the language barrier experienced by several women inside Yemen who do not speak English. Which undermined their ability to communicate with donors and make their voices and opinions heard[16].

Until now, Yemeni women’s participation in the peace process has been limited to track II and III talks. Track II initiatives involve holding informal consultations between non-governmental actors such as civil society organizations, youth organizations, religious groups, trade unions, women’s organizations, and others, but the actors in this track do not have any political power to influence the course of peace negotiations, as This power ultimately remains in the hands of the parties involved in formal Track One talk[17]. On the other hand, women are engaging in track three efforts focused on peacebuilding at the grassroots level, working with community organizations, community leaders, and other local actors.[18]

The Office of the UN Special Envoy to Yemen sought to ensure that the ceasefire negotiations included women. His office collaborated with UN Women to establish the Yemeni Feminist Consensus for Peace and Security (also known as the Consensus Group) in October 2015 as an advisory platform that includes 60 women with diverse experiences to empower women and enhance their participation in peacebuilding efforts and finding a long-term solution to the Yemeni conflict[19]. The Office of the Envoy, UN Women, and the Consensus Group also established a technical advisory team that included eight Yemeni women during the talks that led to the conclusion of the Stockholm Agreement in 2018[20]. In 2018, the Office of the United Nations Envoy cooperated with UN Women to create the feminist “Group of Nine,” which includes a network of feminist organizations working in peacebuilding. The Group of Nine acts as a coordination body between Yemeni women’s groups to enhance communication and cooperation, create alliances, and propose a common agenda that frames the peace process.

 

The EU’s approach to supporting Yemeni women’s participation:

The Yemeni negotiations, which have been mediated under the leadership and auspices of the United Nations, have now gone through many versions, and the EU has worked very closely with the UN mission and has been quite supportive of the Yemeni peace process.

When analyzing women’s involvement in the Yemen peace process, we must distinguish between the first, second, and third tracks, with meaningful participation becoming more complex as women get closer to high-level decision-making. Track 1 contains the significant measures associated with the formal peace process. The EU’s involvement in engaging and pressing for a more inclusive approach with the participation of Yemeni women has been timid during these high-level meetings. Pressed to get a rapid ceasefire in the conflict to stabilize the country, EU political actors have focused on the ‘promotion of negative peace’ in the Yemeni peace process, pushing problems of women’s representation to the side.

Most of the time, only ‘elite’ women have had access to the room in these formats, raising questions about what and who women of this standing represent and, most importantly, the actual impact women have on the peace process. As research on peace processes has demonstrated, women’s exclusion from each stage of a peace process decreases their potential to affect the outcomes throughout the peace process substantially. Women’s absence symbolizes another “gender paradox”: women were politically at the center of the revolution yet were barred from the post-revolutionary political realm.

The EU’s strategy to encourage women’s engagement in peace and security in Yemen has primarily centered on establishing and funding distinct or informal tracks for women. These projects, which come under Track II and Track III efforts, focus on conflict resolution at the local level to assist in the sustainability of the UN-facilitated negotiation process. On the plus side, these programs have taken an intersectional approach, focusing on the gender components of Yemeni tribes, structural gendered disparities, and the various local nuances of the Yemeni setting. At this level, Yemeni women have effectively collaborated to help the signing of local truces, establishing a robust discourse to promote peaceful cohabitation and acceptance in their societies.

Nonetheless, even though these venues are critical for finding shared solutions and reconciling local truces, the key political stakeholders in the formal negotiations have ignored them. After eight years of a never-ending cycle of violence and repeated failures of these high-level formats, it is apparent that progress in track II and track III activities has had little impact on the formal peace process. Furthermore, by taking this approach, there is a risk of promoting the concept that women should participate in different places and maintaining a vicious cycle of exclusion from direct talks.

Also, the European Organisation for Cooperation and Security OSCE promotes the Women, Peace, and Security agenda as the world’s largest regional security organization. The EU has produced research, studies, and training manuals, increased expertise, and, most crucially, worked to support women on the ground in their efforts to avert conflict[21]. The Gender Action Plan III 2021-2025, which supplements the EU’s gender equality plan 2020-2025, lays out the EU’s political and operational roadmap toward a gender-equal world.

 

Why should Yemeni women play a large role in peace and security negotiations?[22]

• Involvement of civil society groups, particularly those representing women, reduces the likelihood of a peace accord failing by 64%[23].
• Greater gender parity is associated with a lower likelihood of conflict across and within states[24].
• When women are included in peace negotiations, the likelihood of an agreement lasting at least two years increases by 20%, and there is a 35% greater chance that an agreement will last at least 15 years[25].
• Women in the security industry frequently have access to populations and places that males do not, allowing them to acquire intelligence about potential security issues[26].
• The higher a country’s gender difference, the more likely the country is to undergo internal or external war[27].
• The higher a country’s gender difference, the more likely the country is to experience war internally or with its neighbours’[28].
• Women contribute to extending the debate agenda and are more inclined to raise social issues that aid society’s reconciliation and recovery. Evidence reveals that women commonly raise topics in conflict resolution processes beyond military action and incorporate political and legal changes, social and economic recovery priorities, and transitional justice concerns, which can make peace agreements more permanent[29].

 

Obstacles to Yemeni women’s participation in the peace process:

The big hurdle is the complete exclusion of women from Track One talks, and their absence from the negotiating table remains a matter of deep concern. There are also obstacles because communication channels between the groups involved in the second and third-track initiatives are not strengthened.

The approaches of the European Union or other relevant United Nations and other international organizations accountable for carrying out the women, peace, and security agenda do little to ensure women’s meaningful participation in the peace process. In contrast, women face increasingly repressive measures that undermine their rights inside Yemen. The most prominent challenges are as follows:

• Approaches that are not adapted to the local context and do not include women.
  The approaches to the peace process sponsored by the European Union and the United Nations in Yemen differ from the facts—apparent shortcomings in promoting women’s equitable and meaningful participation in the Yemeni peace negotiations. At the National Dialogue Conference (2013-2014), women negotiated a 30 percent share in elected bodies and government institutions. However, these efforts were torpedoed with the outbreak of conflict, as women were almost completely marginalized from the official peace process, and their participation was limited to talks in the second and third tracks (restricting them to strictly advisory roles)[30].

• There is a shortage of experts specializing in gender affairs in Yemen.
  Since 2015, the Office of the UN Envoy has sought to advance the women, peace, and security agenda and embrace a more inclusive peace process, appointing gender advisors. However, there have been gaps in those advisors’ understanding of the challenges women face in Yemen, which has cast a shadow over the type of projects being supported[31]. There are also information gaps between the local community and the Women’s Advisory Council of the Envoy’s Office, in addition to the Envoy’s Office’s lack of an organizational framework, which negatively affects the effectiveness of its activities[32].

• Short-term initiatives and insufficient studies
  Over previous years, there has been a decrease in international support, whether financial or capacity-building programs. The support provided to women peacemakers (including their protection) needs to be improved and short-term, which weakens the initiatives’ overall impact and sustainability[33].

• Lack of protection for women involved in peacebuilding.
  Women have shown a high level of engagement in mediation and peacebuilding efforts[34], However, their almost total absence of representation in government structures undermines their ability to exert influence through formal channels. The few women in senior political circles face structural barriers and inherent gender differences[35]. In addition to the challenges of financial extortion, harassment, and exclusion based on regional, political, or gender affiliation[36].

 

Priorities that should be included in the peacebuilding agenda:

• Economic axis
  Achieving economic stability is a core priority for the peace process, as the devastating impact of the war on the country’s economy is evident[37]. The economic crisis that struck the country had a devastating impact on women, in particular, who were forced to search for work to meet their basic needs. However, they were marginalized from discussions on the economic path. Women’s involvement in income-generating projects has increased since the outbreak of war. This shift, on the one hand, allows women to enter the labor market. However, on the other hand, it threatens to leave women vulnerable to exploitation and unfair wages in the absence of the rule of law and the absence of adequate laws that guarantee the protection of female workers.

• Political axis
  The biggest political obstacle is bringing the competing forces together under a unified national political umbrella. There is a need to prioritize establishing a legitimate political system that meets the needs of all segments of society, women, and men. In April 2022, a Presidential Leadership Council was formed, consisting of eight members representing different parties from the camp of the internationally recognized government. Within the framework of efforts to support the Presidential Command Council and unify the goals of the various national forces and components affiliated with it, the Consultation and Reconciliation Commission was formed on April 7, 2022. It was composed of 50 members representing various political spectrums. It was entrusted with the task of unifying the goals and visions of the Presidential Command Council in restoring state institutions. The Executive Presidency of the Authority includes five members, including one woman[38]. Moreover, the quota allocated to women in government bodies (30 percent) agreed upon at the National Dialogue Conference (2013-2014) was ignored. The Council is suffering from a division threatening its ability to perform its duties. At the same time, the de facto authorities in northern Yemen continue to tighten restrictions on women’s freedom of movement and expression and restrict women’s movement and participation in the public sphere[39].

• Civil society organizations
  Civil society organizations played a significant influence in providing social safety nets and maintaining stability and cohesion in the social fabric of Yemen. At the local level, community-based women’s organizations have worked to reduce the burden on their local communities by providing humanitarian support and mediation to resolve conflicts. Despite this, civil society organizations face several challenges, the most important of which is financial and technical support[40]. Civil society organizations also face increasing challenges and restrictions, especially organizations working in peacebuilding, which are exposed to intimidation[41].

 

Conclusion

Women are among those most affected by conflict. They are also the most likely to be excluded from peace talks. Women’s significant participation in peace processes contributes to long-term peace. Women need the support of men to get women where they need to be.

The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda’s objectives in Yemen are unmet. Women’s equal voice in peacemaking is hampered by entrenched cultural structures, competing national policies, and limited access to negotiation tables. The Yemeni peace talks are still an ‘exclusive’ procedure in which men. This is a flaw in the EU’s strategy.

The Yemeni peace process is an example of failed mediation efforts and broken peace treaties, which may be traced back to masculinized forms of authority, security interests, and a restricted concentration on military affairs. Implying that this peacemaking model does not work. Looking ahead to the post-conflict transition in Yemen, women’s exclusion from the peace process will create an unstable equilibrium in Yemeni society. As a result, women’s participation at the negotiating table is crucial not just for attaining a durable and long-term peace but also for changing the gendered power relations and inequities that have shaped Yemeni society. The instance of Yemen leads us to two fundamental conclusions about how to develop new and future spaces for an inclusive peace process, not just in the context of Yemen but also in areas where the EU is and will be participating in mediation procedures.

The EU, UN, and other mediation actors, as well as the significant competitor nations, have not taken full responsibility for ensuring that women may participate meaningfully at the highest levels. In this context, it is also important to note that the situation of women’s rights in Yemen, as well as militarization, patriarchal norms, insecurity, and cultural concerns, has hampered the implementation of the WPS agenda in the EU’s broader mediation efforts.

A fundamental gap exists between the EU’s ambitious policy commitments to women, peace, and security, which demand women’s active engagement in the official peace process and the agenda’s execution in Yemen. EU mediators are viewed as crucial agents in implementing the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda, and they have the power to connect and coordinate community-level women’s groups with the leadership of the parties in conflict. In this regard, a more apparent institutional design and stronger political will in advocating for women’s involvement at the bargaining table would have been crucial in furthering women’s engagement in the peace process.

As negotiations continue, the EU is in a great position to strengthen its diplomatic efforts and prioritize Yemeni women’s leadership in peace and security. Women as change agents are needed more than ever in today’s Yemen to stop the conflict and achieve a gender-just, sustainable, and constructive peace.

The EU must reflect on the wasted possibilities over the last eight years. Could the EU have done more to avert war and safeguard women and girls from its consequences? If the EU has fallen short in economically empowering women so that it can play a full role in developing stable communities. If the EU is to set a good example, it must show that it is making meaningful progress in implementing the WPS goals through its activities. The EU is a worldwide gender actor and a global gender equality leader.

Furthermore, leading by example in the WPS context entails demonstrating to other actors how to improve and ensure women’s equality in conflict situations. For this, the EU must make a sincere and systematic effort to promote women’s and girls’ protection against gender-based violence, as well as their rights to justice and participation in all situations in which it is involved. It must also expand the number of women who act as peacemakers in the circumstances in which it is involved. It must also create a public record of its progress, including successes and setbacks. Leading by example entails acknowledging and reporting on the obstacles involved without allowing those problems to be used as an excuse to perpetuate a historical ignorance of the suffering of women and girls in war, as well as the equal worth of their capacities, skills, and perspectives. To effect change in this area, all key actors, most notably EU states, must stand up and lend genuine support to the EU’s legalized political aspiration to become the worldwide actor in gender equality that it wishes to be.

 

Recommendations

Recommendations to the European Union for adopting approaches (tools) that consider the inclusion of Yemeni women in the peace process:

• Inclusion of women in ceasefire negotiations and agreements and follow-up and monitoring committees of such agreements.
• Ensuring women’s continuous participation in all three peace tracks and in meetings held by the Office of the UN Special Envoy and adhering to a 30 percent quota for women’s representation (as negotiated at the National Dialogue Conference).
• Transparency in selecting women’s networks involved in the peace process, the importance of comprehensive and clear selection and nomination criteria and reflecting diverse geographical representation.
• Building the capabilities of women’s networks and alliances by supporting coordination channels among them, clarifying their roles across the three tracks, conducting studies on how to bridge the gap between those tracks, and integrating the efforts of each track in developing the peace agenda in Yemen. Women can acquire significant positions and contribute to achieving peace when trained in mediation. When women are present at the table, we can produce exceptional results.
• The EU has to support the Presidential Leadership Council and enhance women’s more significant role and participation in peace negotiations. And incorporating the quota allocated to women in government bodies (30 percent) agreed upon at the National Dialogue Conference (2013-2014).
• Increase financial and technical support for civil society organizations that play a pivotal role in reducing the burden on local communities by providing humanitarian support and participating in mediation to resolve conflicts.
• Localize the peacebuilding process so that Yemenis lead it in line with the needs of their community. This requires prioritizing Yemeni experts, working with local civil society organizations, investing in strengthening their capabilities, and ensuring that Yemenis design and implement plans for their country.
• Condemn the repressive measures that threaten to isolate women from public life by parties and the clear violations of their rights. Put pressure on women to participate in all fields and link development aid to the necessity of women’s involvement.
• Using instruments of Diplomacy, humanitarian aid, and human rights in combination, tailoring them to the particular circumstances of crises and adjusting their use to the evolving conditions.
• Exchange the women’s experiences between women in the same situation (conflict countries) to help each other find solutions and share the experiences.
• Pressure donors to fulfill their pledges to work hand in hand with civil society organizations, which requires international organizations to implement programs that meet the priority needs of local communities and make sure that development, reconstruction, and recuperation receive the majority of the funding plans, thus reducing excessive reliance on aid humanity.
• There is a need to provide long-term funding and training programs to support these groups and enhance their ability to join feminist alliances, coordinate with these parties, and open the way for them to engage in the peace process and propose a common agenda. There is also a need to establish clear communication channels between women’s groups participating in Tracks II and Track3 initiatives to enhance their engagement and representation and disseminate knowledge across both tracks.
• Agreements signed between the EU and any Yemeni parties have to have a conditionality clause, meaning that the agreement can be suspended if the parties do not uphold or engage Yemen women in the peace process.
• Gender mainstreaming necessitates systematic changes to structures and procedures and, most significantly, a cultural shift.
• The EU might encourage female security experts to work on disarmament concerns and arm control discussions or negotiations.
• The EU can hold talks with women’s groups and grassroots peacebuilders to ensure that governments and policymakers hear their voices and that their efforts flow into official peace processes.
• The EU may perform gender-sensitive conflict analysis and create and implement inclusive mediation processes to ensure that women’s perspectives are considered in our attempts to build lasting peace.
• Encourage Yemen to create national action plans (NAPs) to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325. These NAPs must be implemented locally, with participation from local governments, civil society organizations, and women’s groups.
• Gender equality in the security industry, a new way of doing and seeing things, benefits all, not only women. The intimate relationship between women’s and society’s well-being is crucial for conflict avoidance.
• Dispel gender stereotypes in the household and society. Encourage women’s leadership.
• Urge the parties to the negotiations to include a gender perspective and bring gender-sensitive information to their attention, such as how agreements will affect men, women, boys, and girls. This can be accomplished through working groups, one-on-one conversations with the parties, separate workshops, information sessions, or meetings and convincing them by creating and retaining gender-specific statistics, data broken down by sex, and quantitative and qualitative details about the regions impacted by the conflict. When upgrading conflict analysis, during mediation strategy retreats, consider gender.
• Facilitating training courses, advisory services, and workshops on peace negotiations for female peace activists, mediators, and selected women’s groups. Put pressure on all parties to help women enroll in training courses.
• Advising government and other actors on the inclusion of women and gender-sensitive perspectives. And Promoting networking and the sharing of experiences across national borders.
• The EU should endeavor to include gender equality and WPS in EU finance tools for external activity. It should also consider allocating funds for gender specialists and consultants in all EU crisis management missions and delegations, making gender training targeted and necessary and integrating of CSBMs and ceasefires.
• The European Union appoints gender affairs advisors in Yemen who are proficient in the Arabic language and Arab societal culture to bridge the information gap between the local community and the advisors. And establishing an organizational framework for any advisory council so that it has a positive impact on the effectiveness of its activities.
• Form enduring relationships with civil society in places impacted by conflicts, as they frequently have information on the effects of conflicts.
• Assemble and facilitate procedures that incorporate a viewpoint into every negotiation matter. Before each session of talks, the EU prepares files or non-papers on societal concerns and the effects of the conflict on civilian populations from the gender standpoint and makes them available to mediators and their teams.
• Provide mediation teams with a list of specialists who could be asked to address gender issues with opposing parties.
• EU designates a female special representative to Yemen to aid in the peace process. It is more likely that Yemeni males will encourage and involve Yemeni women as advisors and participants in the peace process if more women are appointed to such roles.
• Finding qualified individuals with significant mediation and dialogue-facilitation experience will be more accessible by appointing high-level mediation roles outside the diplomatic and political spheres.
• Determine and resolve national policy obstacles that impede women’s assignment to mediation teams.
• Create and organize connections between non-formal peace efforts and negotiating procedures that will receive assistance from the EU; create long-term civil society consultation mechanisms that are workable and advantageous for the mediation team and civil society.
• Establish a suitable platform for direct communication with civil society, especially women’s organizations, or assist in its formation. Online establishment of such platforms is a good option.
• Create a women’s advisory board to offer more viewpoints on the peace process and suggestions for the procedure. This kind of board supports additional initiatives to raise women’s meaningful involvement at the table.
• Create a media strategy and a communications plan for the official procedure—Emphasise women’s contributions to peacebuilding in the plan to recognize their role in attempts to resolve conflicts.
• Encourage civil society to collaborate on and offer pertinent suggestions for official procedures. Such aid could be given in collaboration with international mediation organizations and could take the kind of financing, practical help, or capacity building.
• To get input for the formal process, arrange focus groups with civil society organizations on specific issues that are being negotiated.
• Incorporate the availability of gender expertise and ensure mediation team members receive hands-on training on gender mainstreaming through networking, advice, and training. By asking for outside expert assistance or by adding a gender expert or adviser to the mediation team, one can raise awareness and expertise levels.

 

Table (2): The four pillars of Resolution 1325:

The content of Resolution 1325 can be divided into four main axes: participation, protection, prevention, relief, and recovery.

• Participation: Increase women’s participation at all levels of decision-making, including in political processes, peace negotiations, and peacebuilding.
• Protection: Protecting females from assault based on gender and sexuality.
• Prevention: Takes specific measures to prevent violence against women and girls and links gender justice to peace, stability, and efforts to build more just societies.
  
• Relief and Recovery: Ensure women’s unhindered access to post-conflict humanitarian relief and assistance and ensure their participation in post-conflict transitional legal, political, and economic processes.

Table (3): Security Council Resolutions on women, peace, and security

• 1325 (2000) emphasized the importance of women’s participation and the integration of gender equality issues into peace negotiations, humanitarian aid planning, peacekeeping operations, peacebuilding, and post-conflict governance.
• 1820 (2008) stressed that sexual violence is a method of war that requires a security response. A request to the Secretary-General regularly reports sexual violence in conflict situations.
• 1888 (2009) called for the appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General and the establishment of an expert group on the rule of law and violence.
• 1889 (2009) called for the development of indicators to monitor the implementation of Resolution 1325 and requested the Secretary-General to submit a report to the Security Council on women’s participation and inclusion in post-conflict peacebuilding.
• 1960 (2010) Established a monitoring and reporting mechanism on sexual violence in conflict situations and defined the role of UN missions Peacekeeping in addressing this issue.
• 2106 (2013) focused on holding perpetrators of sexual violence accountable in conflict situations and stressed the importance of women’s political empowerment and economically during and after the conflict.
• 2122 (2013) Recognizing the obstacles to the implementation of Resolution 1325 and reiterated the intention to conduct a high-level global review to review and implement the decision.
• 2242 (2015) An informal expert group on women, peace and security was established to address the obstacles to the implementation of Resolution 1325 and focuses on strengthening integration between programs related to women, peace and security, counterterrorism and combating violent extremism.

Table (4): European Union Actions on women, peace, and security

• Since 2009, there has been a growth in the number of gender advisors and gender focal points in EU crisis missions, as well as increased training possibilities.
• 2009: An Informal Taskforce on UNSCR 1325 was formed to support gender-oriented initiatives.
• (2010-2015 GAP I, the first EU Gender Action Plan): promote women’s and girls’ safety from gender-based violence, as well as increase women’s engagement in peace efforts.
• (2012): The Human Rights and Democracy Strategic Framework and Action Plan of the European Union protects women in external action against gender violence.
• 2015: A Gender Advisor, Maria Marinaki, was appointed by the EU High Representative, who is the European External Action Service’s supervisor, to support EU coordination on gender policies with national and international actors and to organize EU crisis management missions and EU delegations’ internal gender-related initiatives.
• 2016: The worldwide approach to foreign and security policy of the European Union: implementing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in conflict resolution and explicitly emphasizing the need to strengthen women’s participation in foreign policymaking.
• 2017: The European Development Consensus promoted an image of women as empowered individuals: women should be viewed not only as sexual assault victims but also as “positive agents” who might aid in avoidance, settlement, alleviation and rehabilitation, and long-term peace.
• December 2018 EU Foreign Affairs Council General Conclusions on WPS: identifies three primary priority areas: (a) prevention, (b) protection, and (c) relief and recovery. Furthermore, it establishes three broad guidelines: (a) leadership by example, (b) mainstreaming gender, and (c) engagement.
• July 2019: EU Action Plan on WPS. October 2020: Resolution on Gender Equality in EU’s foreign and security policy
  
• (2019-24): EU Action Plan on Gender, Peace, and Security (WPS).
  
• (2021-2025): The EU Gender Action Plan (GAP) III. It is organized on five pillars.

 

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[2] Council of the EU, (14 November 2022), “Council conclusions on women, peace and security”. Available at: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2022/11/14/council-conclusions-on-women-peace-and-security/

[3] Jessica Almqvist, Ibid.

[4] Jessica Almqvist, Ibid

[5] European Commission, “Gender equality and empowering women and girls “. Access on 3 January 2024. Available at: https://international-partnerships.ec.europa.eu/policies/gender-equality/gender-equality-and-empowering-women-and-girls_en.

[6] Jessica Almqvist, Ibid

[7] ESCWA Annal Report 2016. Available at: file:///C:/Users/Missi/Downloads/annual-report-2016-english.pdf.

[8] UNHCR, (November 2015), “Preventing and responding to sexual and gender-based violence in refugee situations in the Middle East and North Africa region.” Accessed on 27 December 2023. Available at: www.unocha.org/stateofaid.

[9] European Union External Service, (2020) “EU-Yemen relations”. Access on 12/12/2023. available at: https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/eu-yemen-relations_en.

[10] Middle East Monitor memo, October 30, 2020. “A call from the United Nations to include women in the Yemeni peace talks”. Available at:  https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20201030-un-calls-for-inclusion-of-women-inyemen-peace-talks.

[11] Joke Buringa (2021), “Strategizing Beyond the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in Yemen: The Importance of CEDAW,” Sanaa Center for Strategic Studies. Available at: https://sanaacenter.org/publications/main-publications/14915

[12] UN Women, “Facts and figures: Women, peace, and security”. Access on 3 January 2024. Available at: https://www.unwomen.org/en/what-we-do/peace-and-security/facts-and-figures.

[13] OSESGY,) December 11, 2022(, “Special Envoy Opening Remarks on the 5th Feminist Summit”. Available at: https://osesgy.unmissions.org/special-envoy-opening-remarks-5th-feminist-summit

[14] Council on Foreign Relations, (2022), “Women’s Participation in Peace Processes”. Available at: https://www.cfr.org/womens-participation-in-peace-processes/explore-the-data

[15] Ibid.

[16] Joke Buringa, (2021), “Strategizing Beyond the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in Yemen: The Importance of CEDAW,” Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies Available at: https://sanaacenter.org/files/Strategizing_beyond_the_Women_Peace_and_Security_Agenda_in_Yemen_en.pdf.

[17] Hadil al-Mowafak, (2021), “Engaging Women in Yemen’s Peace Process Requires Better Alliances,” Yemen Policy Center. Available at:  https://www.yemenpolicy.org/engaging-women-in-yemens-peace-process-requires-better-alliances-and-networks/

[18] Ibid.

[19] OSESGY, “Women, Peace and Security,”. Available at: https://osesgy.unmissions.org/women-peace-and-security

[20] Joke Buringa, (2021), “Strategizing Beyond the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda in Yemen: The Importance of CEDAW,” Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies Available at: https://sanaacenter.org/files/Strategizing_beyond_the_Women_Peace_and_Security_Agenda_in_Yemen_en.pdf.

[21] Amarsanaa Davaasuren, (2020), No Peace Without Women, organization for security and co-operation in Europe OSCE. Available at: https://www.osce.org/blog/no-peace-without-women.

[22] Friend of Europe, (2018), WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY TIME TO MOVE FROM UN RESOLUTIONS TO NATIONAL RESOLVE. Available at: file:///C:/Users/Missi/Downloads/Women-Factsheet_07032018.pdf

[23] Friend of Europe, Ibid.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Ibid.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Ibid.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Lena Avonius, Meri-Mari Java, Ulrike Schmid & Tallia Wohi, “Inclusion of women and effective peace process : a toolkit”, OSCE. Available at: https://www.osce.org/files/f/documents/0/5/440735.pdf.

[31] Joke Buringa, Ibid

[32] Lena Avonius, Meri-Mari Java, Ulrike Schmid & Tallia Wohi, Ibid.

[33] Joke Buringa, Ibid

[34] Rim Mugahed, Bilqees Al-Lahbi, Magnus Fitz, ) (2022 , “Women’s Non-Traditional Roles in Tribal Societies,” Sana’a Center for Strategic Studies. Available at: https://sanaacenter.org/files/Women_Non_Traditional_Roles_in_Tribal_Societies_en.pdf

[35] Ibid

[36] Lena Avonius, Meri-Mari Java, Ulrike Schmid & Tallia Wohi, Ibid.

[37] UNDP. (2019), “Assessing the Impact of War on Development in Yemen,”. Available at: https://yemen.un.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/Assessing the Impact of War on Development in Yemen.pdf

[38] Joke Buringa, Ibid

[39] Abdulkarim Qassim, Loay Amin, Mareike Transfeld, and Ewa Strzelecka, (2020), “The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen,” CARPO. Available at:  https://carpo-bonn.org/en/18-the-role-of-civil-society-in-peacebuilding-in-yemen/

[40] Joke Buringa, Ibid.

[41] Abdulkarim Qassim, Loay Amin, Mareike Transfeld, and Ewa Strzelecka, (2020), “The Role of Civil Society in Peacebuilding in Yemen,” CARPO. Available at:  https://carpo-bonn.org/en/18-the-role-of-civil-society-in-peacebuilding-in-yemen/